Caste division among Muslims In India.
Vinod Kumar
Taken from chapter "Social stratification among Muslims in India" by Zarina
Bhatty from the book "Caste -- its twentieth century avatar" by M N Srinivas,
Viking, New Delhi, 1996, pp 249 - 253. Muslims in India are sharply divided into two categories, Ashrafs
and non-Ashrafs. The former have a superior status derived from
their foreign ancestry. The Ashrafs, or those who claim a foreign
descent, are further divided into four castes, Sayyads, Shiekhs,
Mughals and Pathans, in that order of rank. The non-Ashrafs are
alleged to be converts from Hinduism, and are therefore drawn from
the indigenous population. They, in turn, are divided into a number
of occupational castes.
In Kasauli the term 'zat' equivalent to 'jati' in the Hindu caste
system, is used to refer to caste, and the Ashrafs and non-Ashrafs
are collectively referred to as 'oonchi zat' (high caste) and 'neechi
zat' (low caste) respectively. Interactions between the oonchi zat
and neechi zat are regulated by established patron-client relationships
ofthejajmani system. The patrons, who belong to the oonchi zat,
are referred to as thejajmanis, and the clients, comprising the various
occupational castes of the neechi zat, as kamin. The kamins, who
are attached to the dominant Ashraf lineage in a hereditary
relationship, provide specialized services to its members for
customary payments in cash or kind. The kamins are provided house
sites by their jajmans and can also get land on lease from thejajmans
for cultivation.
Like the Ashraf castes, which are ranked hierachically, the non-
Ashraf castes also relate to each other in a hierarchical manner. In
their case the superiority or inferiority of a caste is determined by
the relatively pure or impure nature of the occupation associated
with each. The dominant lineage of the Kidwais enjoys a uniformly
superior status to all the non-Ashraf castes. The Kidwais claim to
be Sayyads but the other Ashraf castes of Kasauli doubt the
authenticity of their claim, and believe that Kidwais are a sub-caste
of Sheikhs. The Kidwais' claim to Sayyad ancestry is however not
openly challenged because of their economic superiority. The non-
Ashraf castes exhibit a duality in their status, as each caste is superior
or inferior to other non-Ashraf castes but always inferior to Ashraf
castes.
Among Kasauli Muslims, the first and foremost criterion for
grading non-Ashraf castes was the degree of impurity or pollution
implicit in the nature of their occupation. In addition, there was
another related criterion, viz. physical proximity of a non-Ashraf
caste to Ashraf castes while performing services for them. Mirasis
(singers) were thus higher than Nais (barbers), and both higher than
Dhobi (laundrymen). Mirasis were higher than Nais because Mirasi
women sat among Ashraf ladies to sing and singing had no polluting
connotation. Women of the Nai caste who massaged Ashraf women
and Nai men who cut hair performed services in physical proximity
to the Ashraf caste but were rated lower than Mirasis because both
services were regarded as impure. On the other hand, the Dhobi not
only washed dirty clothes, which was a polluting occupation, their
services did not require physical proximity to the Ashrafs and hence
they were still lower in the caste hierarchy.
Things are not only impure or pure, but some things are more
impure than others. In the course of practising their traditional
occupation, castes which habitually handle very impure things are
lower in status than those which handle things which are not so
impure. These ideas hold good for the non-Ashraf castes in Kasauli.
Human secretions (particularly nightsoil), dead animals and animals
eating filth (pigs), are regarded as the most polluting, and occupations
associated with them occupy the lowest rungs in the caste hierarchy.
These castes are also regarded as unclean. In their case, group
pollution also attaches to individual members of the caste.
Consequently, physical contact with individuals of these castes is
avoided not only by Ashrafs but also by non-Ashrafs. Among the
Muslims, if a person accidentally touches an individual of an unclean
caste, the former must purify himself by a simple bath, particularly
prior to performing a religious function like saying 'namaz', reading
the Koran or entering a mosque. There is a difference here between
Muslims and Hindus, and it lies in the fact that, unlike among Hindus,
no elaborate rituals are prescribed for Muslims for purifying
themselves in the event of physical contact with an individual from
an unclean caste.
A person can be polluted not only by touching an individual of an
unclean caste but also by coming in contact with an impure substance.
Among Muslims all human secretions are 'naiis' or oollutine. Thus
a woman during her periods is 'najis' irrespective of her caste and
must abstain from saying 'namaz', ritual fasting, entering a holy
place or partaking food on which the 'fateha' (Koranic verses) have
been recited. A man and woman are both 'najis' after sexual
intercourse. If a child wets a person he (or she) becomes 'najis'.
Here again 'nijasaf, the state of being 'najis', is removed by having
a bath. A distinction is made here between personal pollution caused
by contact with human secretions and group pollution related to an
occupation which involves direct physical contact with human
emissions and waste, as in the case ofDhobis or Bhangis. Personal
pollutioin is not transferred to another person whereas a person
belonging to an unclean caste like the Dhobi or Bhangi can pollute
others by touch.
Frederick Barth approximates the Swat 'Quorns' (social groups)
to Hindu castes. He considers a 'Quorn' to be too rigidly separated
to be described as class. He also asserts that Swat Muslims practise
a ritual-based system of social stratification, for Swat Quorns who
deal with human emissions are ranked the lowest (Barth 1969).
Bhattacharya in his study of Bengal (India) Muslims also claims
that the concepts of purity and impurity exist among them and are
applicable in inter-group relationships, as the notions of hygiene
and cleanliness in a person are related to the person's social position
and not to his/her economic status (Bhattacharya 1978).
Status differentiation implicit in the caste system finds expression
in restrictions on marriage and eating together. In Kasauli caste
endogamy is strictly adhered to, both among Ashrafs and non-
Ashrafs. The four Ashraf castes are divided into two endogamous
groups. Sayyads and Sheikhs inter-marry with a tendency towards
hypergamy and so do Mughals and Pathans. Marriage alliances
between Ashrafs and non-Ashrafs are still inconceivable and not a
single instance of this is known to have occurred in living memory
in Kasauli. In another predominantly Muslim village in the same
district, a marriage did occur once between a non-Ashrafman and
an Ashrafgirl. But social disapproval was so persistent and intense
that the couple was forced finally to migrate to Pakistan. In another
district married a Muslim woman as a second wife. She was alleged
to have belonged to the Dhobi caste. She was treated well by the
husband who, in terms of clothes, jewellery, etc., provided for her
equally (according to Koranic instructions as he understood them),
but she was never socially accepted by the Ashrafs. On ceremonial
occasions she had to retire to her quarters before mealtime, as Ashraf
ladies would not eat with her. It was also understood that children
born of her would not get Ashraf spouses, and as a matter of fact,
they did not.
Ashrafs and non-Ashrafs do not eat together in Kasauli. Between
the two endogamous subdivisions of Ashrafs there is no restriction
on eating together, but their interaction is so limited that, in practice,
it rarely occurs.
Caste in Kasauli represents a cluster of statuses social, political,
economic and ritual. The last, in conjunction with social and
economic status, has been dealt with in some detail on account of
the controversy that centres around it. The political aspect of caste
finds expression through the institution of the caste panchayat (a
committee of elders) and a well-entrenched concept of biradari
(literally, brotherhood).
Each non-Ashraf caste in Kasauli has a caste panchayat which
regulates both intra-caste and inter-caste (among the non-Ashrafs)
interactions and personal conduct. Caste panchayats have the right
to settle disputes relating to property or personal matters, such as
petty theft, boundary encroachments on individually owned land,
divorce, disputes over dowry and the custody of children. Caste
panchayats are also empowered to punish, the punishments ranging
from fines to expulsion from the biradari. The latter, which is an
extreme punishment, is referred to as stopping hukka-pani, which
amounts to barring the offender from sitting and eating with fellow
caste members, and further includes a severe economic sanction
which prevents the offender from following the caste occupation.
The concept of biradari and caste panchayat are almost
inseparable as the economic and political solidarity of a caste is
expressed through the biradari and is regulated through the
panchayat. Thus there is, for instance, a Julaha (weavers) biradari
or a Kasai (butchers) biradari, neither of whom admit into their fold
weavers or butchers who may professionally perform their functions
but do not belong to the Julaha or Kasai castes. Such persons or
families continue to belong to the biradari of their origin a fact
that stresses the strict caste basis of biradari.
Hamza Alavi ( 1976), in his study of villages in the Punj ab province
of Pakistan, refers to biradari as having apolitical dimension because
one can be expelled from it. But he attributes greater significance to
the expression of kinship solidarity through the biradaris because of
the inclusion in biradaris of both maternal and paternal kin who are
engaged in the same occupation. In Kasauli too, each caste being
endogamous, biradaris, by virtue of caste endogamy, are composed
of both maternal and paternal kin. But, besides safeguarding caste
solidarity, biradari panchayats also play a well-defined political role
in regulating personal conduct with the help of established biradari
norms, and in dealing with inter-biradari matters.
In Kasauli, Ashrafs too have biradaris the Sayyad biradari or
the Sheikh biradari, for instance but these exist mainly to define
the boundaries of their caste, for there are no panchayats. Biradari
solidarity, however, is expressed on ceremonial occasions, when all
members of the biradari are invited. Keeping the honour of the
biradari is as important as it is among the non-Ashrafs. In the absence
of a panchayat, an Ashraf biradari does not have an organ for
expressing collective disapproval let alone punishing those
committing offences against the caste code. Nor are disputes resolved
by the biradari, with the result that they are taken to the law courts.
Thus it was found that Kasauli Muslims functioned on a caste
basis, each group or sub-caste being endogamous, and membership
of the group being determined by birth. Further, all groups were
hierarchically arranged, the hierarchy being determined by ancestry
and by the nature of the occupation associated with each group.
Conformity to the system was ensured by exerting economic and
political pressure through caste panchayats, and caste solidarity was
maintained through biradari sentiments. Relations and interactions
between the two major segments of the society Ashrafs and non-
Ashrafs were governed by the jajmani system.